The Life of
Castruccio Castracani
of Lucca
Written by Nicolo Machiavelli
And sent to his friends
Zanobi Buondelmonti
And
Luigi Alamanni
Translated by W. K. Marriott
Castruccio Castracani 1284-1328
It appears, dearest Zanobi and Luigi, a wonderful thing
to those who have considered the matter, that all men, or
the larger number of them, who have performed great deeds in
the world, and excelled all others in their day, have had
their birth and beginning in baseness and obscurity; or have
been aggrieved by Fortune in some outrageous way. They have
either been exposed to the mercy of wild beasts, or they
have had so mean a parentage that in shame they have given
themselves out to be sons of Jove or of some other deity. It
would be wearisome to relate who these persons may have been
because they are well known to everybody, and, as such tales
would not be particularly edifying to those who read them,
they are omitted. I believe that these lowly beginnings of
great men occur because Fortune is desirous of showing to
the world that such men owe much to her and little to
wisdom, because she begins to show her hand when wisdom can
really take no part in their career: thus all success must
be attributed to her. Castruccio Castracani of Lucca was one
of those men who did great deeds, if he is measured by the
times in which he lived and the city in which he was born;
but, like many others, he was neither fortunate nor
distinguished in his birth, as the course of this history
will show. It appeared to be desirable to recall his memory,
because I have discerned in him such indications of valour
and fortune as should make him a great exemplar to men. I
think also that I ought to call your attention to his
actions, because you of all men I know delight most in noble
deeds.
The family of Castracani was formerly numbered among the
noble families of Lucca, but in the days of which I speak it
had somewhat fallen in estate, as so often happens in this
world. To this family was born a son Antonio, who became a
priest of the order of San Michele of Lucca, and for this
reason was honoured with the title of Messer Antonio. He had
an only sister, who had been married to Buonaccorso Cenami,
but Buonaccorso dying she became a widow, and not wishing to
marry again went to live with her brother. Messer Antonio
had a vineyard behind the house where he resided, and as it
was bounded on all sides by gardens, any person could have
access to it without difficulty. One morning, shortly after
sunrise, Madonna Dianora, as the sister of Messer Antonio
was called, had occasion to go into the vineyard as usual to
gather herbs for seasoning the dinner, and hearing a slight
rustling among the leaves of a vine she turned her eyes in
that direction, and heard something resembling the cry of an
infant. Whereupon she went towards it, and saw the hands and
face of a baby who was lying enveloped in the leaves and who
seemed to be crying for its mother. Partly wondering and
partly fearing, yet full of compassion, she lifted it up and
carried it to the house, where she washed it and clothed it
with clean linen as is customary, and showed it to Messer
Antonio when he returned home. When he heard what had
happened and saw the child he was not less surprised or
compassionate than his sister. They discussed between
themselves what should be done, and seeing that he was
priest and that she had no children, they finally determined
to bring it up. They had a nurse for it, and it was reared
and loved as if it were their own child. They baptized it,
and gave it the name of Castruccio after their father. As
the years passed Castruccio grew very handsome, and gave
evidence of wit and discretion, and learnt with a quickness
beyond his years those lessons which Messer Antonio imparted
to him. Messer Antonio intended to make a priest of him, and
in time would have inducted him into his canonry and other
benefices, and all his instruction was given with this
object; but Antonio discovered that the character of
Castruccio was quite unfitted for the priesthood. As soon as
Castruccio reached the age of fourteen he began to take less
notice of the chiding of Messer Antonio and Madonna Dianora
and no longer to fear them; he left off reading
ecclesiastical books, and turned to playing with arms,
delighting in nothing so much as in learning their uses, and
in running, leaping, and wrestling with other boys. In all
exercises he far excelled his companions in courage and
bodily strength, and if at any time he did turn to books,
only those pleased him which told of wars and the mighty
deeds of men. Messer Antonio beheld all this with vexation
and sorrow.
There lived in the city of Lucca a gentleman of the
Guinigi family, named Messer Francesco, whose profession was
arms and who in riches, bodily strength, and valour excelled
all other men in Lucca. He had often fought under the
command of the Visconti of Milan, and as a Ghibelline was
the valued leader of that party in Lucca. This gentleman
resided in Lucca and was accustomed to assemble with others
most mornings and evenings under the balcony of the Podesta,
which is at the top of the square of San Michele, the finest
square in Lucca, and he had often seen Castruccio taking
part with other children of the street in those games of
which I have spoken. Noticing that Castruccio far excelled
the other boys, and that he appeared to exercise a royal
authority over them, and that they loved and obeyed him,
Messer Francesco became greatly desirous of learning who he
was. Being informed of the circumstances of the bringing up
of Castruccio he felt a greater desire to have him near to
him. Therefore he called him one day and asked him whether
he would more willingly live in the house of a gentleman,
where he would learn to ride horses and use arms, or in the
house of a priest, where he would learn nothing but masses
and the services of the Church. Messer Francesco could see
that it pleased Castruccio greatly to hear horses and arms
spoken of, even though he stood silent, blushing modestly;
but being encouraged by Messer Francesco to speak, he
answered that, if his master were agreeable, nothing would
please him more than to give up his priestly studies and
take up those of a soldier. This reply delighted Messer
Francesco, and in a very short time he obtained the consent
of Messer Antonio, who was driven to yield by his knowledge
of the nature of the lad, and the fear that he would not be
able to hold him much longer.
Thus Castruccio passed from the house of Messer Antonio
the priest to the house of Messer Francesco Guinigi the
soldier, and it was astonishing to find that in a very short
time he manifested all that virtue and bearing which we are
accustomed to associate with a true gentleman. In the first
place he became an accomplished horseman, and could manage
with ease the most fiery charger, and in all jousts and
tournaments, although still a youth, he was observed beyond
all others, and he excelled in all exercises of strength and
dexterity. But what enhanced so much the charm of these
accomplishments, was the delightful modesty which enabled
him to avoid offence in either act or word to others, for he
was deferential to the great men, modest with his equals,
and courteous to his inferiors. These gifts made him
beloved, not only by all the Guinigi family, but by all
Lucca. When Castruccio had reached his eighteenth year, the
Ghibellines were driven from Pavia by the Guelphs, and
Messer Francesco was sent by the Visconti to assist the
Ghibellines, and with him went Castruccio, in charge of his
forces. Castruccio gave ample proof of his prudence and
courage in this expedition, acquiring greater reputation
than any other captain, and his name and fame were known,
not only in Pavia, but throughout all Lombardy.
Castruccio, having returned to Lucca in far higher
estimation that he left it, did not omit to use all the
means in his power to gain as many friends as he could,
neglecting none of those arts which are necessary for that
purpose. About this time Messer Francesco died, leaving a
son thirteen years of age named Pagolo, and having appointed
Castruccio to be his son's tutor and administrator of his
estate. Before he died Francesco called Castruccio to him,
and prayed him to show Pagolo that goodwill which he
(Francesco) had always shown to HIM, and to render to the
son the gratitude which he had not been able to repay to the
father. Upon the death of Francesco, Castruccio became the
governor and tutor of Pagolo, which increased enormously his
power and position, and created a certain amount of envy
against him in Lucca in place of the former universal
goodwill, for many men suspected him of harbouring
tyrannical intentions. Among these the leading man was
Giorgio degli Opizi, the head of the Guelph party. This man
hoped after the death of Messer Francesco to become the
chief man in Lucca, but it seemed to him that Castruccio,
with the great abilities which he already showed, and
holding the position of governor, deprived him of his
opportunity; therefore he began to sow those seeds which
should rob Castruccio of his eminence. Castruccio at first
treated this with scorn, but afterwards he grew alarmed,
thinking that Messer Giorgio might be able to bring him into
disgrace with the deputy of King Ruberto of Naples and have
him driven out of Lucca.
The Lord of Pisa at that time was Uguccione of the
Faggiuola of Arezzo, who being in the first place elected
their captain afterwards became their lord. There resided in
Paris some exiled Ghibellines from Lucca, with whom
Castruccio held communications with the object of effecting
their restoration by the help of Uguccione. Castruccio also
brought into his plans friends from Lucca who would not
endure the authority of the Opizi. Having fixed upon a plan
to be followed, Castruccio cautiously fortified the tower of
the Onesti, filling it with supplies and munitions of war,
in order that it might stand a siege for a few days in case
of need. When the night came which had been agreed upon with
Uguccione, who had occupied the plain between the mountains
and Pisa with many men, the signal was given, and without
being observed Uguccione approached the gate of San Piero
and set fire to the portcullis. Castruccio raised a great
uproar within the city, calling the people to arms and
forcing open the gate from his side. Uguccione entered with
his men, poured through the town, and killed Messer Giorgio
with all his family and many of his friends and supporters.
The governor was driven out, and the government reformed
according to the wishes of Uguccione, to the detriment of
the city, because it was found that more than one hundred
families were exiled at that time. Of those who fled, part
went to Florence and part to Pistoia, which city was the
headquarters of the Guelph party, and for this reason it
became most hostile to Uguccione and the Lucchese.
As it now appeared to the Florentines and others of the
Guelph party that the Ghibellines absorbed too much power in
Tuscany, they determined to restore the exiled Guelphs to
Lucca. They assembled a large army in the Val di Nievole,
and seized Montecatini; from thence they marched to
Montecarlo, in order to secure the free passage into Lucca.
Upon this Uguccione assembled his Pisan and Lucchese forces,
and with a number of German cavalry which he drew out of
Lombardy, he moved against the quarters of the Florentines,
who upon the appearance of the enemy withdrew from
Montecarlo, and posted themselves between Montecatini and
Pescia. Uguccione now took up a position near to Montecarlo,
and within about two miles of the enemy, and slight
skirmishes between the horse of both parties were of daily
occurrence. Owing to the illness of Uguccione, the Pisans
and Lucchese delayed coming to battle with the enemy.
Uguccione, finding himself growing worse, went to Montecarlo
to be cured, and left the command of the army in the hands
of Castruccio. This change brought about the ruin of the
Guelphs, who, thinking that the hostile army having lost its
captain had lost its head, grew over-confident. Castruccio
observed this, and allowed some days to pass in order to
encourage this belief; he also showed signs of fear, and did
not allow any of the munitions of the camp to be used. On
the other side, the Guelphs grew more insolent the more they
saw these evidences of fear, and every day they drew out in
the order of battle in front of the army of Castruccio.
Presently, deeming that the enemy was sufficiently
emboldened, and having mastered their tactics, he decided to
join battle with them. First he spoke a few words of
encouragement to his soldiers, and pointed out to them the
certainty of victory if they would but obey his commands.
Castruccio had noticed how the enemy had placed all his best
troops in the centre of the line of battle, and his less
reliable men on the wings of the army; whereupon he did
exactly the opposite, putting his most valiant men on the
flanks, while those on whom he could not so strongly rely he
moved to the centre. Observing this order of battle, he drew
out of his lines and quickly came in sight of the hostile
army, who, as usual, had come in their insolence to defy
him. He then commanded his centre squadrons to march slowly,
whilst he moved rapidly forward those on the wings. Thus,
when they came into contact with the enemy, only the wings
of the two armies became engaged, whilst the center
battalions remained out of action, for these two portions of
the line of battle were separated from each other by a long
interval and thus unable to reach each other. By this
expedient the more valiant part of Castruccio's men were
opposed to the weaker part of the enemy's troops, and the
most efficient men of the enemy were disengaged; and thus
the Florentines were unable to fight with those who were
arrayed opposite to them, or to give any assistance to their
own flanks. So, without much difficulty, Castruccio put the
enemy to flight on both flanks, and the centre battalions
took to flight when they found themselves exposed to attack,
without having a chance of displaying their valour. The
defeat was complete, and the loss in men very heavy, there
being more than ten thousand men killed with many officers
and knights of the Guelph party in Tuscany, and also many
princes who had come to help them, among whom were Piero,
the brother of King Ruberto, and Carlo, his nephew, and
Filippo, the lord of Taranto. On the part of Castruccio the
loss did not amount to more than three hundred men, among
whom was Francesco, the son of Uguccione, who, being young
and rash, was killed in the first onset.
This victory so greatly increased the reputation of
Castruccio that Uguccione conceived some jealousy and
suspicion of him, because it appeared to Uguccione that this
victory had given him no increase of power, but rather than
diminished it. Being of this mind, he only waited for an
opportunity to give effect to it. This occurred on the death
of Pier Agnolo Micheli, a man of great repute and abilities
in Lucca, the murderer of whom fled to the house of
Castruccio for refuge. On the sergeants of the captain going
to arrest the murderer, they were driven off by Castruccio,
and the murderer escaped. This affair coming to the
knowledge of Uguccione, who was than at Pisa, it appeared to
him a proper opportunity to punish Castruccio. He therefore
sent for his son Neri, who was the governor of Lucca, and
commissioned him to take Castruccio prisoner at a banquet
and put him to death. Castruccio, fearing no evil, went to
the governor in a friendly way, was entertained at supper,
and then thrown into prison. But Neri, fearing to put him to
death lest the people should be incensed, kept him alive, in
order to hear further from his father concerning his
intentions. Ugucionne cursed the hesitation and cowardice of
his son, and at once set out from Pisa to Lucca with four
hundred horsemen to finish the business in his own way; but
he had not yet reached the baths when the Pisans rebelled
and put his deputy to death and created Count Gaddo della
Gherardesca their lord. Before Uguccione reached Lucca he
heard of the occurrences at Pisa, but it did not appear wise
to him to turn back, lest the Lucchese with the example of
Pisa before them should close their gates against him. But
the Lucchese, having heard of what had happened at Pisa,
availed themselves of this opportunity to demand the
liberation of Castruccio, notwithstanding that Uguccione had
arrived in their city. They first began to speak of it in
private circles, afterwards openly in the squares and
streets; then they raised a tumult, and with arms in their
hands went to Uguccione and demanded that Castruccio should
be set at liberty. Uguccione, fearing that worse might
happen, released him from prison. Whereupon Castruccio
gathered his friends around him, and with the help of the
people attacked Uguccione; who, finding he had no resource
but in flight, rode away with his friends to Lombardy, to
the lords of Scale, where he died in poverty.
But Castruccio from being a prisoner became almost a
prince in Lucca, and he carried himself so discreetly with
his friends and the people that they appointed him captain
of their army for one year. Having obtained this, and
wishing to gain renown in war, he planned the recovery of
the many towns which had rebelled after the departure of
Uguccione, and with the help of the Pisans, with whom he had
concluded a treaty, he marched to Serezzana. To capture this
place he constructed a fort against it, which is called
to-day Zerezzanello; in the course of two months Castruccio
captured the town. With the reputation gained at that siege,
he rapidly seized Massa, Carrara, and Lavenza, and in a
short time had overrun the whole of Lunigiana. In order to
close the pass which leads from Lombardy to Lunigiana, he
besieged Pontremoli and wrested it from the hands of Messer
Anastagio Palavicini, who was the lord of it. After this
victory he returned to Lucca, and was welcomed by the whole
people. And now Castruccio, deeming it imprudent any longer
to defer making himself a prince, got himself created the
lord of Lucca by the help of Pazzino del Poggio, Puccinello
dal Portico, Francesco Boccansacchi, and Cecco Guinigi, all
of whom he had corrupted; and he was afterwards solemnly and
deliberately elected prince by the people. At this time
Frederick of Bavaria, the King of the Romans, came into
Italy to assume the Imperial crown, and Castruccio, in order
that he might make friends with him, met him at the head of
five hundred horsemen. Castruccio had left as his deputy in
Lucca, Pagolo Guinigi, who was held in high estimation,
because of the people's love for the memory of his father.
Castruccio was received in great honour by Frederick, and
many privileges were conferred upon him, and he was
appointed the emperor's lieutenant in Tuscany. At this time
the Pisans were in great fear of Gaddo della Gherardesca,
whom they had driven out of Pisa, and they had recourse for
assistance to Frederick. Frederick created Castruccio the
lord of Pisa, and the Pisans, in dread of the Guelph party,
and particularly of the Florentines, were constrained to
accept him as their lord.
Frederick, having appointed a governor in Rome to watch
his Italian affairs, returned to Germany. All the Tuscan and
Lombardian Ghibellines, who followed the imperial lead, had
recourse to Castruccio for help and counsel, and all
promised him the governorship of his country, if enabled to
recover it with his assistance. Among these exiles were
Matteo Guidi, Nardo Scolari, Lapo Uberti, Gerozzo Nardi, and
Piero Buonaccorsi, all exiled Florentines and Ghibellines.
Castruccio had the secret intention of becoming the master
of all Tuscany by the aid of these men and of his own
forces; and in order to gain greater weight in affairs, he
entered into a league with Messer Matteo Visconti, the
Prince of Milan, and organized for him the forces of his
city and the country districts. As Lucca had five gates, he
divided his own country districts into five parts, which he
supplied with arms, and enrolled the men under captains and
ensigns, so that he could quickly bring into the field
twenty thousand soldiers, without those whom he could summon
to his assistance from Pisa. While he surrounded himself
with these forces and allies, it happened at Messer Matteo
Visconti was attacked by the Guelphs of Piacenza, who had
driven out the Ghibellines with the assistance of a
Florentine army and the King Ruberto. Messer Matteo called
upon Castruccio to invade the Florentines in their own
territories, so that, being attacked at home, they should be
compelled to draw their army out of Lombardy in order to
defend themselves. Castruccio invaded the Valdarno, and
seized Fucecchio and San Miniato, inflicting immense damage
upon the country. Whereupon the Florentines recalled their
army, which had scarcely reached Tuscany, when Castruccio
was forced by other necessities to return to Lucca.
There resided in the city of Lucca the Poggio family, who
were so powerful that they could not only elevate
Castruccio, but even advance him to the dignity of prince;
and it appearing to them they had not received such rewards
for their services as they deserved, they incited other
families to rebel and to drive Castruccio out of Lucca. They
found their opportunity one morning, and arming themselves,
they set upon the lieutenant whom Castruccio had left to
maintain order and killed him. They endeavoured to raise the
people in revolt, but Stefano di Poggio, a peaceable old man
who had taken no hand in the rebellion, intervened and
compelled them by his authority to lay down their arms; and
he offered to be their mediator with Castruccio to obtain
from him what they desired. Therefore they laid down their
arms with no greater intelligence than they had taken them
up. Castruccio, having heard the news of what had happened
at Lucca, at once put Pagolo Guinigi in command of the army,
and with a troop of cavalry set out for home. Contrary to
his expectations, he found the rebellion at an end, yet he
posted his men in the most advantageous places throughout
the city. As it appeared to Stefano that Castruccio ought to
be very much obliged to him, he sought him out, and without
saying anything on his own behalf, for he did not recognize
any need for doing so, he begged Castruccio to pardon the
other members of his family by reason of their youth, their
former friendships, and the obligations which Castruccio was
under to their house. To this Castruccio graciously
responded, and begged Stefano to reassure himself, declaring
that it gave him more pleasure to find the tumult at an end
than it had ever caused him anxiety to hear of its
inception. He encouraged Stefano to bring his family to him,
saying that he thanked God for having given him the
opportunity of showing his clemency and liberality. Upon the
word of Stefano and Castruccio they surrendered, and with
Stefano were immediately thrown into prison and put to
death. Meanwhile the Florentines had recovered San Miniato,
whereupon it seemed advisable to Castruccio to make peace,
as it did not appear to him that he was sufficiently secure
at Lucca to leave him. He approached the Florentines with
the proposal of a truce, which they readily entertained, for
they were weary of the war, and desirous of getting rid of
the expenses of it. A treaty was concluded with them for two
years, by which both parties agreed to keep the conquests
they had made. Castruccio thus released from this trouble,
turned his attention to affairs in Lucca, and in order that
he should not again be subject to the perils from which he
had just escaped, he, under various pretences and reasons,
first wiped out all those who by their ambition might aspire
to the principality; not sparing one of them, but depriving
them of country and property, and those whom he had in his
hands of life also, stating that he had found by experience
that none of them were to be trusted. Then for his further
security he raised a fortress in Lucca with the stones of
the towers of those whom he had killed or hunted out of the
state.
Whilst Castruccio made peace with the Florentines, and
strengthened his position in Lucca, he neglected no
opportunity, short of open war, of increasing his importance
elsewhere. It appeared to him that if he could get
possession of Pistoia, he would have one foot in Florence,
which was his great desire. He, therefore, in various ways
made friends with the mountaineers, and worked matters so in
Pistoia that both parties confided their secrets to him.
Pistoia was divided, as it always had been, into the Bianchi
and Neri parties; the head of the Bianchi was Bastiano di
Possente, and of the Neri, Jacopo da Gia. Each of these men
held secret communications with Castruccio, and each desired
to drive the other out of the city; and, after many
threatenings, they came to blows. Jacopo fortified himself
at the Florentine gate, Bastiano at that of the Lucchese
side of the city; both trusted more in Castruccio than in
the Florentines, because they believed that Castruccio was
far more ready and willing to fight than the Florentines,
and they both sent to him for assistance. He gave promises
to both, saying to Bastiano that he would come in person,
and to Jacopo that he would send his pupil, Pagolo Guinigi.
At the appointed time he sent forward Pagolo by way of Pisa,
and went himself direct to Pistoia; at midnight both of them
met outside the city, and both were admitted as friends.
Thus the two leaders entered, and at a signal given by
Castruccio, one killed Jacopo da Gia, and the other Bastiano
di Possente, and both took prisoners or killed the partisans
of either faction. Without further opposition Pistoia passed
into the hands of Castruccio, who, having forced the
Signoria to leave the palace, compelled the people to yield
obedience to him, making them many promises and remitting
their old debts. The countryside flocked to the city to see
the new prince, and all were filled with hope and quickly
settled down, influenced in a great measure by his great
valour.
About this time great disturbances arose in Rome, owing
to the dearness of living which was caused by the absence of
the pontiff at Avignon. The German governor, Enrico, was
much blamed for what happened--murders and tumults following
each other daily, without his being able to put an end to
them. This caused Enrico much anxiety lest the Romans should
call in Ruberto, the King of Naples, who would drive the
Germans out of the city, and bring back the Pope. Having no
nearer friend to whom he could apply for help than
Castruccio, he sent to him, begging him not only to give him
assistance, but also to come in person to Rome. Castruccio
considered that he ought not to hesitate to render the
emperor this service, because he believed that he himself
would not be safe if at any time the emperor ceased to hold
Rome. Leaving Pagolo Guinigi in command at Lucca, Castruccio
set out for Rome with six hundred horsemen, where he was
received by Enrico with the greatest distinction. In a short
time the presence of Castruccio obtained such respect for
the emperor that, without bloodshed or violence, good order
was restored, chiefly by reason of Castruccio having sent by
sea from the country round Pisa large quantities of corn,
and thus removed the source of the trouble. When he had
chastised some of the Roman leaders, and admonished others,
voluntary obedience was rendered to Enrico. Castruccio
received many honours, and was made a Roman senator. This
dignity was assumed with the greatest pomp, Castruccio being
clothed in a brocaded toga, which had the following words
embroidered on its front: "I am what God wills." Whilst on
the back was: "What God desires shall be."
During this time the Florentines, who were much enraged
that Castruccio should have seized Pistoia during the truce,
considered how they could tempt the city to rebel, to do
which they thought would not be difficult in his absence.
Among the exiled Pistoians in Florence were Baldo Cecchi and
Jacopo Baldini, both men of leading and ready to face
danger. These men kept up communications with their friends
in Pistoia, and with the aid of the Florentines entered the
city by night, and after driving out some of Castruccio's
officials and partisans, and killing others, they restored
the city to its freedom. The news of this greatly angered
Castruccio, and taking leave of Enrico, he pressed on in
great haste to Pistoia. When the Florentines heard of his
return, knowing that he would lose no time, they decided to
intercept him with their forces in the Val di Nievole, under
the belief that by doing so they would cut off his road to
Pistoia. Assembling a great army of the supporters of the
Guelph cause, the Florentines entered the Pistoian
territories. On the other hand, Castruccio reached
Montecarlo with his army; and having heard where the
Florentines' lay, he decided not to encounter it in the
plains of Pistoia, nor to await it in the plains of Pescia,
but, as far as he possibly could, to attack it boldly in the
Pass of Serravalle. He believed that if he succeeded in this
design, victory was assured, although he was informed that
the Florentines had thirty thousand men, whilst he had only
twelve thousand. Although he had every confidence in his own
abilities and the valour of his troops, yet he hesitated to
attack his enemy in the open lest he should be overwhelmed
by numbers. Serravalle is a castle between Pescia and
Pistoia, situated on a hill which blocks the Val di Nievole,
not in the exact pass, but about a bowshot beyond; the pass
itself is in places narrow and steep, whilst in general it
ascends gently, but is still narrow, especially at the
summit where the waters divide, so that twenty men side by
side could hold it. The lord of Serravalle was Manfred, a
German, who, before Castruccio became lord of Pistoia, had
been allowed to remain in possession of the castle, it being
common to the Lucchese and the Pistoians, and unclaimed by
either--neither of them wishing to displace Manfred as long
as he kept his promise of neutrality, and came under
obligations to no one. For these reasons, and also because
the castle was well fortified, he had always been able to
maintain his position. It was here that Castruccio had
determined to fall upon his enemy, for here his few men
would have the advantage, and there was no fear lest, seeing
the large masses of the hostile force before they became
engaged, they should not stand. As soon as this trouble with
Florence arose, Castruccio saw the immense advantage which
possession of this castle would give him, and having an
intimate friendship with a resident in the castle, he
managed matters so with him that four hundred of his men
were to be admitted into the castle the night before the
attack on the Florentines, and the castellan put to
death.
Castruccio, having prepared everything, had now to
encourage the Florentines to persist in their desire to
carry the seat of war away from Pistoia into the Val di
Nievole, therefore he did not move his army from Montecarlo.
Thus the Florentines hurried on until they reached their
encampment under Serravalle, intending to cross the hill on
the following morning. In the meantime, Castruccio had
seized the castle at night, had also moved his army from
Montecarlo, and marching from thence at midnight in dead
silence, had reached the foot of Serravalle: thus he and the
Florentines commenced the ascent of the hill at the same
time in the morning. Castruccio sent forward his infantry by
the main road, and a troop of four hundred horsemen by a
path on the left towards the castle. The Florentines sent
forward four hundred cavalry ahead of their army which was
following, never expecting to find Castruccio in possession
of the hill, nor were they aware of his having seized the
castle. Thus it happened that the Florentine horsemen
mounting the hill were completely taken by surprise when
they discovered the infantry of Castruccio, and so close
were they upon it they had scarcely time to pull down their
visors. It was a case of unready soldiers being attacked by
ready, and they were assailed with such vigour that with
difficulty they could hold their own, although some few of
them got through. When the noise of the fighting reached the
Florentine camp below, it was filled with confusion. The
cavalry and infantry became inextricably mixed: the captains
were unable to get their men either backward or forward,
owing to the narrowness of the pass, and amid all this
tumult no one knew what ought to be done or what could be
done. In a short time the cavalry who were engaged with the
enemy's infantry were scattered or killed without having
made any effective defence because of their unfortunate
position, although in sheer desperation they had offered a
stout resistance. Retreat had been impossible, with the
mountains on both flanks, whilst in front were their
enemies, and in the rear their friends. When Castruccio saw
that his men were unable to strike a decisive blow at the
enemy and put them to flight, he sent one thousand
infantrymen round by the castle, with orders to join the
four hundred horsemen he had previously dispatched there,
and commanded the whole force to fall upon the flank of the
enemy. These orders they carried out with such fury that the
Florentines could not sustain the attack, but gave way, and
were soon in full retreat--conquered more by their
unfortunate position than by the valour of their enemy.
Those in the rear turned towards Pistoia, and spread through
the plains, each man seeking only his own safety. The defeat
was complete and very sanguinary. Many captains were taken
prisoners, among whom were Bandini dei Rossi, Francesco
Brunelleschi, and Giovanni della Tosa, all Florentine
noblemen, with many Tuscans and Neapolitans who fought on
the Florentine side, having been sent by King Ruberto to
assist the Guelphs. Immediately the Pistoians heard of this
defeat they drove out the friends of the Guelphs, and
surrendered to Castruccio. He was not content with occupying
Prato and all the castles on the plains on both sides of the
Arno, but marched his army into the plain of Peretola, about
two miles from Florence. Here he remained many days,
dividing the spoils, and celebrating his victory with feasts
and games, holding horse races, and foot races for men and
women. He also struck medals in commemoration of the defeat
of the Florentines. He endeavoured to corrupt some of the
citizens of Florence, who were to open the city gates at
night; but the conspiracy was discovered, and the
participators in it taken and beheaded, among whom were
Tommaso Lupacci and Lambertuccio Frescobaldi. This defeat
caused the Florentines great anxiety, and despairing of
preserving their liberty, they sent envoys to King Ruberto
of Naples, offering him the dominion of their city; and he,
knowing of what immense importance the maintenance of the
Guelph cause was to him, accepted it. He agreed with the
Florentines to receive from them a yearly tribute of two
hundred thousand florins, and he send his son Carlo to
Florence with four thousand horsemen.
Shortly after this the Florentines were relieved in some
degree of the pressure of Castruccio's army, owing to his
being compelled to leave his positions before Florence and
march on Pisa, in order to suppress a conspiracy that had
been raised against him by Benedetto Lanfranchi, one of the
first men in Pisa, who could not endure that his fatherland
should be under the dominion of the Lucchese. He had formed
this conspiracy, intending to seize the citadel, kill the
partisans of Castruccio, and drive out the garrison. As,
however, in a conspiracy paucity of numbers is essential to
secrecy, so for its execution a few are not sufficient, and
in seeking more adherents to his conspiracy Lanfranchi
encountered a person who revealed the design to Castruccio.
This betrayal cannot be passed by without severe reproach to
Bonifacio Cerchi and Giovanni Guidi, two Florentine exiles
who were suffering their banishment in Pisa. Thereupon
Castruccio seized Benedetto and put him to death, and
beheaded many other noble citizens, and drove their families
into exile. It now appeared to Castruccio that both Pisa and
Pistoia were thoroughly disaffected; he employed much
thought and energy upon securing his position there, and
this gave the Florentines their opportunity to reorganize
their army, and to await the coming of Carlo, the son of the
King of Naples. When Carlo arrived they decided to lose no
more time, and assembled a great army of more than thirty
thousand infantry and ten thousand cavalry--having called to
their aid every Guelph there was in Italy. They consulted
whether they should attack Pistoia or Pisa first, and
decided that it would be better to march on the latter--a
course, owing to the recent conspiracy, more likely to
succeed, and of more advantage to them, because they
believed that the surrender of Pistoia would follow the
acquisition of Pisa.
In the early part of May 1328, the Florentines put in
motion this army and quickly occupied Lastra, Signa,
Montelupo, and Empoli, passing from thence on to San
Miniato. When Castruccio heard of the enormous army which
the Florentines were sending against him, he was in no
degree alarmed, believing that the time had now arrived when
Fortune would deliver the empire of Tuscany into his hands,
for he had no reason to think that his enemy would make a
better fight, or had better prospects of success, than at
Pisa or Serravalle. He assembled twenty thousand foot
soldiers and four thousand horsemen, and with this army went
to Fucecchio, whilst he sent Pagolo Guinigi to Pisa with
five thousand infantry. Fucecchio has a stronger position
than any other town in the Pisan district, owing to its
situation between the rivers Arno and Gusciana and its
slight elevation above the surrounding plain. Moreover, the
enemy could not hinder its being victualled unless they
divided their forces, nor could they approach it either from
the direction of Lucca or Pisa, nor could they get through
to Pisa, or attack Castruccio's forces except at a
disadvantage. In one case they would find themselves placed
between his two armies, the one under his own command and
the other under Pagolo, and in the other case they would
have to cross the Arno to get to close quarters with the
enemy, an undertaking of great hazard. In order to tempt the
Florentines to take this latter course, Castruccio withdrew
his men from the banks of the river and placed them under
the walls of Fucecchio, leaving a wide expanse of land
between them and the river.
The Florentines, having occupied San Miniato, held a
council of war to decide whether they should attack Pisa or
the army of Castruccio, and, having weighed the difficulties
of both courses, they decided upon the latter. The river
Arno was at that time low enough to be fordable, yet the
water reached to the shoulders of the infantrymen and to the
saddles of the horsemen. On the morning of 10 June 1328, the
Florentines commenced the battle by ordering forward a
number of cavalry and ten thousand infantry. Castruccio,
whose plan of action was fixed, and who well knew what to
do, at once attacked the Florentines with five thousand
infantry and three thousand horsemen, not allowing them to
issue from the river before he charged them; he also sent
one thousand light infantry up the river bank, and the same
number down the Arno. The infantry of the Florentines were
so much impeded by their arms and the water that they were
not able to mount the banks of the river, whilst the cavalry
had made the passage of the river more difficult for the
others, by reason of the few who had crossed having broken
up the bed of the river, and this being deep with mud, many
of the horses rolled over with their riders and many of them
had stuck so fast that they could not move. When the
Florentine captains saw the difficulties their men were
meeting, they withdrew them and moved higher up the river,
hoping to find the river bed less treacherous and the banks
more adapted for landing. These men were met at the bank by
the forces which Castruccio had already sent forward, who,
being light armed with bucklers and javelins in their hands,
let fly with tremendous shouts into the faces and bodies of
the cavalry. The horses, alarmed by the noise and the
wounds, would not move forward, and trampled each other in
great confusion. The fight between the men of Castruccio and
those of the enemy who succeeded in crossing was sharp and
terrible; both sides fought with the utmost desperation and
neither would yield. The soldiers of Castruccio fought to
drive the others back into the river, whilst the Florentines
strove to get a footing on land in order to make room for
the others pressing forward, who if they could but get out
of the water would be able to fight, and in this obstinate
conflict they were urged on by their captains. Castruccio
shouted to his men that these were the same enemies whom
they had before conquered at Serravalle, whilst the
Florentines reproached each other that the many should be
overcome by the few. At length Castruccio, seeing how long
the battle had lasted, and that both his men and the enemy
were utterly exhausted, and that both sides had many killed
and wounded, pushed forward another body of infantry to take
up a position at the rear of those who were fighting; he
then commanded these latter to open their ranks as if they
intended to retreat, and one part of them to turn to the
right and another to the left. This cleared a space of which
the Florentines at once took advantage, and thus gained
possession of a portion of the battlefield. But when these
tired soldiers found themselves at close quarters with
Castruccio's reserves they could not stand against them and
at once fell back into the river. The cavalry of either side
had not as yet gained any decisive advantage over the other,
because Castruccio, knowing his inferiority in this arm, had
commanded his leaders only to stand on the defensive against
the attacks of their adversaries, as he hoped that when he
had overcome the infantry he would be able to make short
work of the cavalry. This fell out as he had hoped, for when
he saw the Florentine army driven back across the river he
ordered the remainder of his infantry to attack the cavalry
of the enemy. This they did with lance and javelin, and,
joined by their own cavalry, fell upon the enemy with the
greatest fury and soon put him to flight. The Florentine
captains, having seen the difficulty their cavalry had met
with in crossing the river, had attempted to make their
infantry cross lower down the river, in order to attack the
flanks of Castruccio's army. But here, also, the banks were
steep and already lined by the men of Castruccio, and this
movement was quite useless. Thus the Florentines were so
completely defeated at all points that scarcely a third of
them escaped, and Castruccio was again covered with glory.
Many captains were taken prisoners, and Carlo, the son of
King Ruberto, with Michelagnolo Falconi and Taddeo degli
Albizzi, the Florentine commissioners, fled to Empoli. If
the spoils were great, the slaughter was infinitely greater,
as might be expected in such a battle. Of the Florentines
there fell twenty thousand two hundred and thirty-one men,
whilst Castruccio lost one thousand five hundred and seventy
men.
But Fortune growing envious of the glory of Castruccio
took away his life just at the time when she should have
preserved it, and thus ruined all those plans which for so
long a time he had worked to carry into effect, and in the
successful prosecution of which nothing but death could have
stopped him. Castruccio was in the thick of the battle the
whole of the day; and when the end of it came, although
fatigued and overheated, he stood at the gate of Fucecchio
to welcome his men on their return from victory and
personally thank them. He was also on the watch for any
attempt of the enemy to retrieve the fortunes of the day; he
being of the opinion that it was the duty of a good general
to be the first man in the saddle and the last out of it.
Here Castruccio stood exposed to a wind which often rises at
midday on the banks of the Arno, and which is often very
unhealthy; from this he took a chill, of which he thought
nothing, as he was accustomed to such troubles; but it was
the cause of his death. On the following night he was
attacked with high fever, which increased so rapidly that
the doctors saw it must prove fatal. Castruccio, therefore,
called Pagolo Guinigi to him, and addressed him as
follows:
"If I could have believed that Fortune would have cut me
off in the midst of the career which was leading to that
glory which all my successes promised, I should have
laboured less, and I should have left thee, if a smaller
state, at least with fewer enemies and perils, because I
should have been content with the governorships of Lucca and
Pisa. I should neither have subjugated the Pistoians, nor
outraged the Florentines with so many injuries. But I would
have made both these peoples my friends, and I should have
lived, if no longer, at least more peacefully, and have left
you a state without a doubt smaller, but one more secure and
established on a surer foundation. But Fortune, who insists
upon having the arbitrament of human affairs, did not endow
me with sufficient judgment to recognize this from the
first, nor the time to surmount it. Thou hast heard, for
many have told thee, and I have never concealed it, how I
entered the house of thy father whilst yet a boy--a stranger
to all those ambitions which every generous soul should
feel--and how I was brought up by him, and loved as though I
had been born of his blood; how under his governance I
learned to be valiant and capable of availing myself of all
that fortune, of which thou hast been witness. When thy good
father came to die, he committed thee and all his
possessions to my care, and I have brought thee up with that
love, and increased thy estate with that care, which I was
bound to show. And in order that thou shouldst not only
possess the estate which thy father left, but also that
which my fortune and abilities have gained, I have never
married, so that the love of children should never deflect
my mind from that gratitude which I owed to the children of
thy father. Thus I leave thee a vast estate, of which I am
well content, but I am deeply concerned, inasmuch as I leave
it thee unsettled and insecure. Thou hast the city of Lucca
on thy hands, which will never rest contented under they
government. Thou hast also Pisa, where the men are of nature
changeable and unreliable, who, although they may be
sometimes held in subjection, yet they will ever disdain to
serve under a Lucchese. Pistoia is also disloyal to thee,
she being eaten up with factions and deeply incensed against
thy family by reason of the wrongs recently inflicted upon
them. Thou hast for neighbours the offended Florentines,
injured by us in a thousand ways, but not utterly destroyed,
who will hail the news of my death with more delight than
they would the acquisition of all Tuscany. In the Emperor
and in the princes of Milan thou canst place no reliance,
for they are far distant, slow, and their help is very long
in coming. Therefore, thou hast no hope in anything but in
thine own abilities, and in the memory of my valour, and in
the prestige which this latest victory has brought thee;
which, as thou knowest how to use it with prudence, will
assist thee to come to terms with the Florentines, who, as
they are suffering under this great defeat, should be
inclined to listen to thee. And whereas I have sought to
make them my enemies, because I believed that war with them
would conduce to my power and glory, thou hast every
inducement to make friends of them, because their alliance
will bring thee advantages and security. It is of the
greatest important in this world that a man should know
himself, and the measure of his own strength and means; and
he who knows that he has not a genius for fighting must
learn how to govern by the arts of peace. And it will be
well for thee to rule they conduct by my counsel, and to
learn in this way to enjoy what my life-work and dangers
have gained; and in this thou wilt easily succeed when thou
hast learnt to believe that what I have told thee is true.
And thou wilt be doubly indebted to me, in that I have left
thee this realm and have taught thee how to keep it."
After this there came to Castruccio those citizens of
Pisa, Pistoia, and Lucca, who had been fighting at his side,
and whilst recommending Pagolo to them, and making them
swear obedience to him as his successor, he died. He left a
happy memory to those who had known him, and no prince of
those times was ever loved with such devotion as he was. His
obsequies were celebrated with every sign of mourning, and
he was buried in San Francesco at Lucca. Fortune was not so
friendly to Pagolo Guinigi as she had been to Castruccio,
for he had not the abilities. Not long after the death of
Castruccio, Pagolo lost Pisa, and then Pistoia, and only
with difficulty held on to Lucca. This latter city continued
in the family of Guinigi until the time of the
great-grandson of Pagolo.
From what has been related here it will be seen that
Castruccio was a man of exceptional abilities, not only
measured by men of his own time, but also by those of an
earlier date. In stature he was above the ordinary height,
and perfectly proportioned. He was of a gracious presence,
and he welcomed men with such urbanity that those who spoke
with him rarely left him displeased. His hair was inclined
to be red, and he wore it cut short above the ears, and,
whether it rained or snowed, he always went without a hat.
He was delightful among friends, but terrible to his
enemies; just to his subjects; ready to play false with the
unfaithful, and willing to overcome by fraud those whom he
desired to subdue, because he was wont to say that it was
the victory that brought the glory, not the methods of
achieving it. No one was bolder in facing danger, none more
prudent in extricating himself. He was accustomed to say
that men ought to attempt everything and fear nothing; that
God is a lover of strong men, because one always sees that
the weak are chastised by the strong. He was also
wonderfully sharp or biting though courteous in his answers;
and as he did not look for any indulgence in this way of
speaking from others, so he was not angered with others did
not show it to him. It has often happened that he has
listened quietly when others have spoken sharply to him, as
on the following occasions. He had caused a ducat to be
given for a partridge, and was taken to task for doing so by
a friend, to whom Castruccio had said: "You would not have
given more than a penny." "That is true," answered the
friend. Then said Castruccio to him: "A ducat is much less
to me." Having about him a flatterer on whom he had spat to
show that he scorned him, the flatterer said to him:
"Fisherman are willing to let the waters of the sea saturate
them in order that they make take a few little fishes, and I
allow myself to be wetted by spittle that I may catch a
whale"; and this was not only heard by Castruccio with
patience but rewarded. When told by a priest that it was
wicked for him to live so sumptuously, Castruccio said: "If
that be a vice than you should not fare so splendidly at the
feasts of our saints." Passing through a street he saw a
young man as he came out of a house of ill fame blush at
being seen by Castruccio, and said to him: "Thou shouldst
not be ashamed when thou comest out, but when thou goest
into such places." A friend gave him a very curiously tied
knot to undo and was told: "Fool, do you think that I wish
to untie a thing which gave so much trouble to fasten."
Castruccio said to one who professed to be a philosopher:
"You are like the dogs who always run after those who will
give them the best to eat," and was answered: "We are rather
like the doctors who go to the houses of those who have the
greatest need of them." Going by water from Pisa to Leghorn,
Castruccio was much disturbed by a dangerous storm that
sprang up, and was reproached for cowardice by one of those
with him, who said that he did not fear anything. Castruccio
answered that he did not wonder at that, since every man
valued his soul for what is was worth. Being asked by one
what he ought to do to gain estimation, he said: "When thou
goest to a banquet take care that thou dost not seat one
piece of wood upon another." To a person who was boasting
that he had read many things, Castruccio said: "He knows
better than to boast of remembering many things." Someone
bragged that he could drink much without becoming
intoxicated. Castruccio replied: "An ox does the same."
Castruccio was acquainted with a girl with whom he had
intimate relations, and being blamed by a friend who told
him that it was undignified for him to be taken in by a
woman, he said: "She has not taken me in, I have taken her."
Being also blamed for eating very dainty foods, he answered:
"Thou dost not spend as much as I do?" and being told that
it was true, he continued: "Then thou art more avaricious
than I am gluttonous." Being invited by Taddeo Bernardi, a
very rich and splendid citizen of Luca, to supper, he went
to the house and was shown by Taddeo into a chamber hung
with silk and paved with fine stones representing flowers
and foliage of the most beautiful colouring. Castruccio
gathered some saliva in his mouth and spat it out upon
Taddeo, and seeing him much disturbed by this, said to him:
"I knew not where to spit in order to offend thee less."
Being asked how Caesar died he said: "God willing I will die
as he did." Being one night in the house of one of his
gentlemen where many ladies were assembled, he was reproved
by one of his friends for dancing and amusing himself with
them more than was usual in one of his station, so he said:
"He who is considered wise by day will not be considered a
fool at night." A person came to demand a favour of
Castruccio, and thinking he was not listening to his plea
threw himself on his knees to the ground, and being sharply
reproved by Castruccio, said: "Thou art the reason of my
acting thus for thou hast thy ears in thy feet," whereupon
he obtained double the favour he had asked. Castruccio used
to say that the way to hell was an easy one, seeing that it
was in a downward direction and you travelled blindfolded.
Being asked a favour by one who used many superfluous words,
he said to him: "When you have another request to make, send
someone else to make it." Having been wearied by a similar
man with a long oration who wound up by saying: "Perhaps I
have fatigued you by speaking so long," Castruccio said:
"You have not, because I have not listened to a word you
said." He used to say of one who had been a beautiful child
and who afterwards became a fine man, that he was dangerous,
because he first took the husbands from the wives and now he
took the wives from their husbands. To an envious man who
laughed, he said: "Do you laugh because you are successful
or because another is unfortunate?" Whilst he was still in
the charge of Messer Francesco Guinigi, one of his
companions said to him: "What shall I give you if you will
let me give you a blow on the nose?" Castruccio answered: "A
helmet." Having put to death a citizen of Lucca who had been
instrumental in raising him to power, and being told that he
had done wrong to kill one of his old friends, he answered
that people deceived themselves; he had only killed a new
enemy. Castruccio praised greatly those men who intended to
take a wife and then did not do so, saying that they were
like men who said they would go to sea, and then refused
when the time came. He said that it always struck him with
surprise that whilst men in buying an earthen or glass vase
would sound it first to learn if it were good, yet in
choosing a wife they were content with only looking at her.
He was once asked in what manner he would wish to be buried
when he died, and answered: "With the face turned downwards,
for I know when I am gone this country will be turned upside
down." On being asked if it had ever occurred to him to
become a friar in order to save his soul, he answered that
it had not, because it appeared strange to him that Fra
Lazerone should go to Paradise and Uguccione della Faggiuola
to the Inferno. He was once asked when should a man eat to
preserve his health, and replied: "If the man be rich let
him eat when he is hungry; if he be poor, then when he can."
Seeing on of his gentlemen make a member of his family lace
him up, he said to him: "I pray God that you will let him
feed you also." Seeing that someone had written upon his
house in Latin the words: "May God preserve this house from
the wicked," he said, "The owner must never go in." Passing
through one of the streets he saw a small house with a very
large door, and remarked: "That house will fly through the
door." He was having a discussion with the ambassador of the
King of Naples concerning the property of some banished
nobles, when a dispute arose between them, and the
ambassador asked him if he had no fear of the king. "Is this
king of yours a bad man or a good one?" asked Castruccio,
and was told that he was a good one, whereupon he said, "Why
should you suggest that I should be afraid of a good
man?"
I could recount many other stories of his sayings both
witty and weighty, but I think that the above will be
sufficient testimony to his high qualities. He lived
forty-four years, and was in every way a prince. And as he
was surrounded by many evidences of his good fortune, so he
also desired to have near him some memorials of his bad
fortune; therefore the manacles with which he was chained in
prison are to be seen to this day fixed up in the tower of
his residence, where they were placed by him to testify for
ever to his days of adversity. As in his life he was
inferior neither to Philip of Macedon, the father of
Alexander, nor to Scipio of Rome, so he died in the same
year of his age as they did, and he would doubtless have
excelled both of them had Fortune decreed that he should be
born, not in Lucca, but in Macedonia or Rome.
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